The National party is happy. It had a big win with Hockey’s rejection of ADM’s takeover bid for GrainCorp. While he received some stick for his tough talk on Holden, Nationals leader Warren Truss, whose understated style often sees him under-estimated, came across as having gravitas when he was acting PM this week.
Deputy Nationals leader Barnaby Joyce has kept out of trouble, even if colleagues note that during his fiery answers in question time he goes red to the ears (literally).
Hockey has the demeanour of a man determined to make a mark, and do it quickly (eyes on outdoing Peter Costello?). The Liberal dries hated his GrainCorp decision but Hockey looks to be winning more than he’s losing. His Holden hype wasn’t pretty, but he’d wear criticism of that as a badge of honour. He’s previously expressed the view that unpopularity goes with the Treasury job.
He’ll be centre stage next week when he releases the mid year economic and fiscal outlook. As will the NBN, so with MYEFO (and much else): the story will be that everything is worse than anticipated.
There won’t be big new savings – they are for later – although we’ll probably hear what in education is being cut to restore the Gonski money. Debt and deficit are being described as shocking. Hockey said this week that debt would go beyond $500 billion (so he must be relieved the Senate refused to approve the bill for a $500 billion ceiling, compromising on having no ceiling at all).
Abbott, despite his reputation for rising damp, is sticking with Hockey’s “dry” direction, at least on Holden and Qantas. He told the party room yesterday the government’s greatest equity was its economic and budget credibility and it wouldn’t run down the street waving a blank cheque at unprofitable businesses.
But the government hasn’t been able to hide some significant divisions – on GrainCorp, between the Nats/rural Liberals and the Liberal dries; on Holden, between Industry Minister Ian Macfarlane and cabinet colleagues.
And there has been plenty of gripping about the command-and-control approach adopted by Abbott’s office, run by his chief of staff Peta Credlin.
Abbott is trying to keep his “tone” low key, and to attempt where possible to cast himself as above the partisan fray. During the exchanges about Holden he insisted he didn’t want to “play politics” (even as he did so).
Some ministers have got into trouble by their shrillness. Scott Morrison came across dreadfully initially though he’s pulled back somewhat. Because his performance attracted such bad reviews, the large fall in boat arrivals has received less attention than it might have. Christopher Pyne enjoys the fray of politics too much for his own and the government’s good.
It’s to be expected that the government will in its early months load as much blame as possible onto its predecessor (except for the Indonesia spy issue, where Abbott commendably resisted the temptation).
But spare us the hypocrisy. At yesterday’s joint parties meeting, on Parliament’s last day, Abbott told his MPs that Labor was obstructing the Coalition at every turn. According to official sources he described the Labor’s conduct as “political and economic vandalism of a very high order, lacking in ethics or political morality”.
Aware that Labor is doing to the Coalition what it did to Labor, Abbott added that although the Coalition was said to be obstructive, there was a vital difference. “We tried to stop them breaking their promises, they are trying to stop us from keeping ours.” This, of course, is political tosh. The Coalition in opposition said “no” whenever it saw it as advantageous to do so.
Before the election, Abbott liked to talk in absolutes. Promises all to be kept. No surprises. No excuses. But government isn’t like that. We are getting broken promises, surprises and excuses. It was ever thus. The question is, are we seeing growing pains, or the start of a permanent condition?
Michelle Grattan is a Professorial Fellow at University of Canberra.
This piece was first published on The Conversation.
